By Johanna Mendelson Forman
In the 30 seconds that it took for an earthquake to devastate Port-au-Prince on January 12, 2010, the fate of this small Caribbean nation of 10 million people became the rest of the world’s concern. Three years later there has been progress in rebuilding Haiti. Decentralization of the economy has slowly taken root, especially with the opening in October of the Caracol Industrial Park in the northeast region. New jobs and new investments have started, with a goal to create more than 20,000 positions by 2015. Port-au-Prince, still the center of government, is recovering slowly, with its national palace finally demolished and plans for a new cathedral moving forward.
Yet, of more than $6 billion in aid disbursed by the international community since 2010, almost 90 percent has gone to foreign NGOs and private contractors, according to the Center for Global Development. With little transparency in the aid system, the government of Haiti must work harder to ensure that 300,000 people without permanent homes receive benefits, and that there is local material procurement so that more jobs will be created in the rebuilding.
This could be the beginning of a retreat from the “disaster capitalism” that has pervaded Haiti for the last 30 years, that stems from NGOs and local businesses that specialize in temporary fixes never meant to last. President Martelly appears to be convincing those within his own government and the international community that self-help is better than charity, and that local efforts must lead to permanent solutions as opposed to unblocking sewers, then plugging them up to make more money unblocking them again—a favorite Port-au-Prince pastime.
While the mantra of the government is “Haiti is open for business,” the road ahead to make it an investment-friendly nation is still very long. Yet even touting this refrain may be a first step toward healing the wounds of generations of Haitians who have been the victims of so many development schemes gone awry, and of so many business deals enriching only the investors.
Martelly’s cabinet, a group of technocrats and younger leaders, plus those from the private sector, are connecting with a younger generation of business leaders who get it, that this is a pivotal moment in Haiti’s history where a commitment to better governance and self-help could move Haiti toward a brighter future. The economist Paul Collier, who had been recruited by the UN to assess the potential for Haiti’s development, has suggested that Haiti has a strategic asset in its geographic location as a Caribbean crossroads close to the huge U.S. market. Coupled with low labor costs, it should have no problem attracting investment.
However, there are those who say Haiti was doomed when it won its independence from France. This historic event—arising from a revolt against slavery and inequality, supposedly led Haitians into a world that they were unprepared to manage—one with prejudice and few friends to lend a helping hand.
Regardless of whether that is a fair assessment, Haiti’s institutions do not provide justice, education, or health benefits to the majority. Haitian leaders must now lay down the foundation for democratic rule, and soon. UN peacekeepers can’t stay forever. And, while helping to maintain security, they can’t give Haitians a sense of self-identify. As Haiti scholar Laurent Dubois thoughtfully noted, a different Haiti is always and still possible. That is because the Haitians have never accepted what so many have announced, over and over again, that democracy is not for them. Haiti can still surprise us, and will move forward, but it will do so only if the international community encourages local capacity and authorship.
As we enter the second term of the Obama administration, the United States should remain committed to a vision that nobody can build back better than Haitians, themselves. Others can be enablers, but it will take the citizens of Haiti and its leaders to build a nation in their own, original image—a place where there is freedom, equality, and justice, and no place for corruption, greed, or poverty.
Johanna Mendelson Forman is a senior associate with the CSIS Americas Program.
Photo Credit: U.S. Government